Greece-EU relations: hypocrisy in all its greatness

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Information about Greece-EU relations: hypocrisy in all its greatness

Published on June 1, 2016

Author: TakisKaragiannis


1. Ц Е Н Т Ъ Р З А Л И Б Е Р А Л Н И С Т Р А Т Е Г И И C E N T R E F O R L I B E R A L S T R A T E G I E S 21 A, Patriarch Evtimii blvd. Sofia 1000, tel: (+359 2) 986 14 33 fax: (+359 2) 981 89 25. E-mail:; Research Project Hypocrisy, Anti-Hypocrisy and International Order The Dilemmas of Liberal Power in the 21st Century BACKGROUND PAPER Greece-EU relations: hypocrisy in all its greatness (The Greek perspective on economic and refugee crisis) Takis Karagiannis With the kind support of:

2. 2 Greece-EU relations: hypocrisy in all its greatness (The Greek perspective on economic and refugee crisis) Takis Karagiannis is a senior political editor at the most prestigious Greek political website Mr. Karagiannis has studied International and European Economics at Athens University of Economics and Business (Major: International Economics & Finance/International & European Political Economy) and has a great experience covering the developments in the EU and Greece from the beginning of the crisis six years ago. Introduction Since Democritus formulated his quote "many people use the best words, even they behave with the most obscene manner" to the time when Sharon Stone said "women may fake an orgasm, but men may fake an entire relationship" -although a lot of people argue about the copyright of the phrase-, 2,380 years have passed. And throughout these 24 centuries, few things have changed in the correlation between the human nature and human conduct. Hypocrisy -in terms of mendacity- is inherent to the human race. Never has a society been recorded, either without any signs of hypocrisy or with the ability to eliminate them. As it seems, there is only a poor chance to experience such a society in the future. And as an ingrained part of our entity, hypocrisy is an undivided component of our political culture [1]. "Hypocrisy is a form of lying. When people talk to each other they blame one another for deliberate ambiguity, concerted role playing, equivocal phrases, and hesitant minced words. Moreover, they manifest this kind of behavior the very same time they call for honesty and clarity; the very same time they request from their interlocutors to mean what they say, and to say what they mean. "Such a thoroughgoing is the human hypocrisy", Steven Pinker - Canadian-born, American cognitive scientist and popular author- writes in his book "The Stuff of Thought" [2] vividly impressing that hypocrisy is a form of lying; a form of lying with an effective camouflage around itself. We lie in order to hold ourselves together as a person [3]. We wish others to think well of us; and we, surely, want to think well of ourselves. And as politicians are primarily human beings, having been raised and educated in an identical environment, they inevitably display similar behaviors occasionally.

3. 3 Not many years ago, in the post-Olympics Greece, circumstances used to be smoother. Hypocrisy was engrossing the public debate just in the interest of symbolic issues. Confrontations were focused on whether a radical left politician had the right to choose a private school for his children, whether it was acceptable the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Greece to hold an iPhone device (and by doing so, glorifying the idea of capitalism and being a great example of what pervasive strength the ideological opponent of the communism has), or whether the major opposition party had the right to elevate the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) at the highest possible level, even if had previously been leading the anti-austerity movement. Presently, outlook is much more different. All facts mentioned beforehand pertain to the past and look more like a farce, rather than the reality that Greek people had to deal with, less than a decade ago. Nowadays,  seven years after the economic crisis broke out in Greece,  six years after the first MoU,  five years after the formation of -the first in decades- coalition government in Greece,  four years since Golden Dawn -whose leader is still in custody on charges of organizing a criminal group- gained access to the Greek parliament,  three years after the Greek state budget recorded a primary surplus that let the country -even temporarily- to tap international markets for the first time since 2010,  two years after the beginning of the end of Nea Demokratia (ND)-Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) bipartisanship, and  one year after the first ever, self-proclaimed government of the Left Greece still experiences hypocrisy in all its greatness; constantly, in every sector, in all possible ways and in every combination. While the rest of the world agonizingly witnesses the situation in Greece, Greek people persist in accusing their European counterparts of the way they have been behaving since 2010; a behavior that has been disclosed as highly hypocritical and riskily opportunistic.

4. 4 Refugee Crisis There is a remarkable similarity in the modus that the residents of East Aegean Islands are expressing their increasing anger, fuelled by the steep refugee flows, and the manner of the rhetoric tone of Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) political members against the European Union (EU), due to the implemented policy for the refugee crisis. And if Stelios Kouloglou, among the most active SYRIZA Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), has suggested in several of his recent interventions, albeit in a rather epidermal way that the EU behaves "hypocritically", then Dimitris Papadimoulis did not have any diffidence to do so more intensely, more emphatically. The vice president of the European Parliament, and head of SYRIZA MEPs, provided the journalists of the Italic newspaper Il Fatto Quotidiano with a hint for the headline which pursued the interview "Inept and hypocritical Union: only punishes us" [4] he bestowed. Similarly to numerous other occasions [5] in this particular interview Mr. Papadimoulis did not expand his considerations on the reasons that stimulate him to characterize the behaviour of European counterparts in this manner. On the contrary, this has been well established by Alexis Tsipras. The Greek Prime Minister (PM), in quite a few affiliations during the past, has censured Europe’s attitude, justifying the depiction "hypocritical" regarding Brussels’ weakness to convince other Balkan countries to keep their borders open. In mid-March, during a meeting of the European Radical Left and Ecology [6] Mr. Tsipras pitched for "Europe has to change course" [6], and emphasized that "there are no common rules; thus, certain countries can close their borders in the name of nationalsovereignty" [6]. This is a rationale Alexis Tsipras adopts and serves in his own rhetoric quite often, although the basis of his criticism is focused on non-EU countries which do not fall in Brussels’ jurisdiction. In other words, the Greek PM generally decries Europe on a lack of solidarity and hypocritical practices; however, he essentially refers to a directly involved particular party. This is none but FYROM (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia1 ) that is not constrained by EU Directives, Regulations, or Conventions in determining its policy on the refugee crisis. To perceive exactly how the Greek PM interprets the situation that has been shaped throughout the Old Continent, his speeches need to be studied. Additionally, much attention 1 The Republic of Macedonia is a country in the Balkan Peninsula, in Southeast Europe. Due to a ongoing dispute over the name Macedonia, Greece still refers to its neighbor country as the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

5. 5 should be paid to the way SYRIZA leader perceived causes and causalities for the refugee influx. Mr. Tsipras does not accept that the elemental justification -due to which countries as FYROM and Serbia obstruct their borders-, is the inability to manage the refugee flows. The reason according to the Greek PM "is the monster of fascism which is fed by the austerity policies" [6] which have been implemented both by Berlin and Brussels in recent years. Therefore, according to Mr. Tsipras’ hypothesis, there is criticism towards the European counterparts over the root cause behind the phobic behavior of Balkan countries instead of Europe’s frailty to preserve its borderlines. But there is something else which pushes the man who pulls the strings in Greece to talk about hypocrisy in Europe. Something linked neither to an inherent political consideration, which Mr.Tsipras has been delivering ever since, nor to tactics deriving from the ideological Left matrix, in which the 42-year-old politician has been nurtured; yet, it is related to what happened in the summer of 2015. The outcome of negotiations and the attitude that both the EU Commission and the Member-State leaders adopted, has granted to the Greek PM the counterweight he has placed on his political scale. Countries as Austria, Slovenia, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Germany have been gradually closing their borders in the grounds of the primacy of national sovereignty over the collective European acquis. Nonetheless, these are the same countries which have not respected the national sovereignty of Greek people and government by the time SYRIZA had taken power; and have tried to impose "austerity as a must in a country that had democratically appointed a government under different election commitments" [6]. Namely, SYRIZA leader denounces the Central European countries for invocation of sovereignty when it comes to issues of these countries per se, while in the past they aspired to circumvent Greek national sovereignty via the economic policy that was actually applied. The former is the political dimension of Alexis Tsipras’ arguments as to whether Europe reacts hypocritically in the context of refugee crisis. However, there is a disparate extent; one, that even though it stands away from ideological confrontations, is vigorously approaching the reliance on emotion. From the Greek parliamentary step [7], meaning the supreme institutional point, Mr. Tsipras delivered a speech characterizing "the tears flowing today are hypocritical, because it is not only the dead children that the Aegean Sea washes up, but also the living ones who are heading to the path of exile from their country alive ones who are stacked on the path of

6. 6 exile" [7]. And while demanding the leaders of countries that are engaged in one way or another to the war raging in Syria to act responsibly, he also declared that "Greece does not claim even one euro in order to serve its purpose towards these people who die in our yard" [8]. Twenty days ago, in the presence of Werner Faymann -the recently resigned Austrian Chancellor who had previously ordered the border shutdown- Mr. Tsipras emphasized that "the refugee receptor countries need too much money to contend the difficulties" [9]. Stelios Kouloglou is not just a SYRIZA MEP; less than a year ago he still worked as a journalist. One of the most famous opinion makers in Greece, especially during the outset of the economic crisis, he has been blaming European leaders for their policies. On his own website,, several articles describing Europe as hypocritical [10], mainly due to the provision for the return of a very limited percentage of refugees have been published. The migration ratio as described in the EU-Turkey agreement [11] which affects only 72,000 people, despite the human influx that has been calculated at 4,000,000, is what stimulates the denunciation. Seraphim Seferiades, Associate Professor of Political Science at Panteion University and Life Member at Cambridge University, considers that "refugee migrations rely on the discretion of European countries and their pure intentions" [10]. It is not just SYRIZA MEPs who undermine that European leaders’ policy is imposed by hypocritical motivation. George Kyrtsos -former journalist as well- vice chairman with delegation for relations with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, and MEP of ND referred to "the horrid hypocrisy of the 28" [12]. What motivated him to proceed with this statement seems unrelated to aspirations behind Brussels’ recommended policies; the true incentives, according to his opinion, are consistent with a lot of oxymoron behavioural patterns being observed alongside. "Neither a mutual foreign affairs policy nor a defence policy is there" [12], he expressed in pursuit of indicating that it is unacceptable for European counterparts to demand common action in the Aegean Sea area without the aforementioned requirements. Yet, politicians and journalists are not the only ones criticizing Brussels. Frequently, the role of the Great Inquisitor is assigned to University professors who shape public opinion either through their articles or with their public speaking. An illustrative example is Joseph Weiler, president of the European University Institute in Florence, who argued during an interview in Kathimerini [13] -one of the largest Greek newspapers in circulation- why European leaders act in this fashion. In accordance with his train of thought Europe confronts a profound problem; and the refugee crisis is not it. This is the demographic problem [14].

7. 7 "With the exception of two Member-States, Europe commits suicide. The dramatic population decline is one thing. The real issue is comprised of the balance between the young and the older people. […] Immigration is a matter of life or death for Europe" [13], Weiler stressed, adding that originally there has been a strong will in the majority of Member-State capitals to assist those countries encountering arduousness with refugee movements. Obviously, the deeper intentions concern the aforementioned demographic problem; and it is not just innocent solidarity with the Mediterranean and Balkan countries. Economy May that the criticism towards European leaders on the refugee crisis be a less than a year open issue, the one directed towards the economic policy has already been around for half a dozen years one. Since the beginning of 2010, when the International Monetary Fund (IMF) participation in the Greek rescue program was a common secret, both SYRIZA and ND -the two parties that have afterwards lead the anti-austerity movement- have been blaming PASOK for the policy it had adopted. And if this reaction was predictable for Alexis Tsipras' party, the attitude of the center-right party was anything but foreseeable. The Greek PM and the governing parties themselves on the opposite ideological side of what the troika suggests. From the very first moment when George Papandreou -Greek PM 2009-2011- signed the first MoU in 2010, and later when Antonis Samaras -Greek PM 2012-2015- took charge, the Radical Left party persisted in declaiming on a single hypocritical contradiction; the one that stands both in politicians’ that implement the MoU agreement rhetoric and its results. For SYRIZA, the "unimpeded implementation" of the policies recommended by the IMF, the EU Commission, and the European Central Bank (ECB) does not lead to economic growth; but instead to "pension and salary cuts, fresh layoffs in the civil sector, rise of unemployment levels and even more closed shops" [15]. Thereafter, anyone who walks on the MoU path "reacts hypocritically" [15]. For the Greek Radical Left this is an ideological matter; a subconscious issue relevant to the placement onto the political map of economy. European counterparts enforce "neoliberal, antisocial policies" and this package only "serves the domination of the banks" [15]. But ND used to describe the reality in a similar, subjective way. Antonis Samaras, party leader 2009-2015, had been among many other politicians standing on the other side of the

8. 8 policy adopted by the Greek government due to the IMF participation in the rescue program. It was Mr. Samaras who described himself as "the architect of the anti-austerity, anti-MoU movement" [16]. Mr. Samaras had stated that "MoU brought Greece even closer to declare bankruptcy" [17] and had also foreseen that "this policy mixture would induce the vicious circle of fruitless sacrifices that led to interminable recession" [17]. And all this conversation had been evolved at the very same time that ECB had acknowledged a short-lived stabilization and incunabula of recovery [18]. Back in 2010, there were several members from other political parties, except for the above- mentioned conservatives, who opposed to and accused European leaders of their strategy. George Papakonstantinou, the former Minister of Finance who signed the first MoU, and a persona non grata for the majority of the Greek people, writes in his recently published book [19] about his European counterparts’ ambiguity. Several Ministers of Finance have been assuring Mr. Papakonstantinou that IMF would have no participation in the rescue mechanism [19], while at the very same moment they were negotiating with IMF officials the terms and conditions of its involvement [19], as the Greek ex-minister underlines. However, it is not easy for someone to find such a rigorous politician, journalist or economist as Yanis Varoufakis. Economist and holder of the position of Minister of Finance for seven months (January-July 2015), Mr. Varoufakis used to argue against the adopted policy since the IMF placed itself into the routine of Greek people. Simultaneously, while he was resolving the major argument on the European banks rescue, an EU Commission report [20] was certifying that "since the beginning of the financial crisis, 112 banks, representing just around 30% of the EU banking system by assets, have received State aid, instead of the taxpayers" [20]. Maybe the most representative example of Yanis Varoufakis' rhetoric and his way of thinking can be spotted on Harald Schumann's documentary "On the Trail of the Troika" [21], in which the Greek economist analyzes his arguments for almost 60 minutes. Likewise, in 2015, Mr. Varoufakis has been negotiating with his European counterparts albeit the former Greek minister acutely blamed them for hypocrisy afterwards [21], because they had already consented to the role of troika; a troika that was trying to diminish pensions while "it was turning a blind eye to what is one of the greatest scandals of the banking sector of Europe: the Greek recapitalization process" [21]. Certainly, he escalates his rhetoric, highlighting that troika attitude emanates from "either complicity or idiocy" [21]. Yet, Mr.

9. 9 Varoufakis does not let the question floating on people's minds and he justifies himself by saying he tends "to come down of the side of complicity" [21]. And if anyone wonders what the reason is behind all, the answer is all about the Greek rescue package. "What was the bailout for? The bailout was not in order to bail Greece out. Greece was never bailed out. The bailout loan that was extended in May 2010 had a very single, singular, and simple purpose. That was to transfer banking losses from the asset books of banks, not only Greek ones, but also French ones and German ones, onto the shoulders of tax payers, initially the Greek tax payers. And the troika is here supervising this sinister transfer" [21]. Mr. Varoufakis particularly highlights the technical frame of the process [22]. He accuses the ECB of hypocrisy, as officials in Frankfurt suggest the national banks to follow the rules whilst they know there is "no alternative than to violate their own rules and this is why if ECB tells the truth about the state of the Greek banks it will precipitate in a new crisis" [21]. To underscore the administrative distortion of the banking system, Yanis Varoufakis wrote his own book [23] which actually is a dictionary full of lexical and conceptual economic terms that plague the Greek society; many of them created by him indeed. Of course, there are several other examples of the term "hypocrisy" not referring to the procedure of covering up the aims and purposes of financial and banking insiders, but is being attributed to Europeans in its purest, raw, and crude form instead. As a lie. Tasos Pappas, a Greek journalist better known for his radical left rhetoric rather than his social democratic one, authored a whole article dedicated to Pier Moscovisci at the Newspaper of the Editors -also well-known for its sharp leftist point of view- entitled "Hypocrisy and Lies" [24]. The Greek journalist accused the European Commissioner of Economic and Financial Affairs, Taxation and Customs of "apparent lie, covered up with the familiar diplomatic language used by EU bureaucrats" [24]. According to Mr. Pappas, EU officials declare that every Member-State is the one to decide for its own tax system [24]. Yet, they are the ones who describe as "unilateral action" [24] any law-making activity. Another argument is also being used by the detractors of the European insiders concerning their behavior. EU tolerates, "if not to say endorses" [25], the offshore "tax heavens and the concessions of Luxemburg credit institutions" [25], whereas EU officials demonstrate strong intention to obliterate tax evasion. Indeed, this is something that Nikos Xydakis has used plentiful times as argumentation. Mr. Xydakis has been, from 2003 and on, the editor in

10. 10 chief at Kathimerini -a major Greek newspaper- ; he has repeatedly been commenting both the "hypocrisy on the apex of the EU pyramid and how dependent the head of states are from the multinational companies" [25]. Nikos Xydakis started serving as a Minister of the Greek state from the Day One of the SYRIZA era. He still answers the purpose as the Alternate Minister of Culture in the cabinet of Alexis Tsipras. But harsh criticism has not been endorsed just by the Radical Left in Greece. EU toleration of the IMF configurations has been object to criticism by the right-wing aligned newspapers since the eruption of the economic crisis. Democracy newspaper had published its front page to mark the fifth "anniversary" of the IMF-Greece’s "marriage" under the title "Five Years of Memorandum: The Poor Greek Economic Auschwitz" [26]. No more than a paragraph and 109 words have been enough for the editor in chief to describe what has been happening in Greece, according to his point of view, naturally [26]. As Democracy quoted, the Private Sector Involvement (PSI) was "supposed to have wiped out €105 billion of Greek debt, but the only real result was the European banks rescue, and the Greek-state social insurance institutions collapse" [26]. In addition, this is something that "has been anticipated from the beginning" and it reflects "how hypocritically European leaders talk to the Greek people" [26]. The approach that nurtured the society over the past years is reflected in a nearly a 4-hour video [27], which counts for several thousand views on YouTube. It is the first Popular Assembly at the Syntagma Square, on June 7th , 2011. More than 1,ooo Greeks had been present at the most central part of the capital, to listen to four people exhibiting the way for the country to overcome the crisis without having to traverse a path strewn with thorns; aftereffect of the 2010 signed loan agreements [27]. Three of them (Yanis Varoufakis, George Katrougalos, Euclid Tsakalotos) were given ministerial positions in 2015, and two of them (George Katrougalos, Euclid Tsakalotos) remain today in the Cabinet. The fourth (George Kazakis) serves as the leader of the United Popular Front (EPAM) which did not even run in the last elections. Such procedures, such meetings had been a frequent phenomenon back in 2010-2012, when PASOK, under George Papandreou, initially was in power; and the coalition government subsequently, with Lucas Papademos as the PM. For almost four months, from May to August 2011, it was impossible to cross Athens downtown by car; in daily basis, tens of thousands used to demonstrate against austerity. Both ND and SYRIZA had been amongst political and social institutions calling Greek

11. 11 people to participate to these marches and rallies. These aforementioned social movements formulated Aganaktismenoi2 , the Greek branch of Indignados. Discussion Hypocrisy -either as a word or as a meaning- has its roots to Ancient Greek theatre. Actors were actually called "hypocrites" and their art on stage was defined as "hypocrisy". Nevertheless, using everyday acting techniques in social contacts -even more in interpersonal relationships- it is reasonable to accuse someone of being hypocritical. And although Ancient Greeks used to appreciate hypocrisy as a form of Art, unfolding as performance in front of an audience, the hypocrites as individuals did not enjoy an equal admiration. From Plato who formulated the following "wolf -which is the wildest animal- looks like a dog -which is the calmest one-. The man who wants to be safe has to protect himself from these similarities" to Jean De La Bruyère who scribed that "a veil of modesty covers merit, and a mask of hypocrisy covers wicked", and Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, alias Lenin who put forth the successive "honesty in politics is the result of strength; hypocrisy is the result of weakness", several philosophers and political scientists have been engaged to the concept of "hypocrisy". However, nobody has ever managed to propose a model which could be adopted by a political system in order to eliminate hypocrisy. In Modern Greek though, the word "hypocrisy" and its derivatives, either nouns or adjectives, have no positive meaning. Whenever someone uses these units of language intends to stress a behavior; the meaning of the phrase and the importance assigned to it are absolutely clear. Throughout the evolution of language that gave birth to the term "hypocrisy", the word itself has come to possess a more negative sense in Greek than in English. Maybe this is a substantiation of how frequently the term is being spelled, and how much it has been spoiled. 2 Aganaktismenoi is the Greek word for Indignant, used for the anti-austerity movement, involving a series of demonstrations and general strikes. In May 2011, the second wave of rallies was proved different from the previous one, as most of the events turned violent. As in Spain, these demonstrations were organized entirely using social networking sites

12. 12 It is true that Greeks have repeatedly been accusing European politicians of great hypocrisy. It is true that Greek journalists have blamed Brussels for bilingualism quite a few times. It is also true that the Greek party leaders have highlighted that their counterparts and partners wear masks in order to cloak their true intentions. However, all the above-mentioned Greek society pillars react identically, operating the very same way they blame the Europeans for. Greeks behave hypocritically. Some of them shun undertaking the vital reforms the state needs, despite having previously included these to the campaign promise. And some others exorcise every single proposed reform whereas at the very same time they explicate the necessity of this implementation. References 1. Runicman, David. Political Hypocrisy. Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2008, p 172 2. Pinker, Steven. The Stuff of Thought, Language as a Window Into Human Nature. New York : Penguin Group (Viking Press), 2007 3. Rowe, Dorothy. What Should I Believe? New York : Routledge, 2008, pp 48-50 4. Caridi, Cosimo. Il Fatto Quotidianno Mondo. Il Fatto Quotidianno. [Online] April 14, 2016. greci/ 5. Papadimoulis, Dimitris. Clarin Noticias. Clarin. [Online] April 14, 2016. internacional_0_1558644315.html. 6. Chabrout, Julien. [Online] March 11, 2016. refugies-alexis-tsipras-et-pierre-laurent-haussent-le-ton.php. 7. ΕΡΤ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ. [Online] ert newmedia, October 30, 2015. ipokritika-ke-krokodilia-ta-dakria-pou-chinonte-gia-tous-prosfiges-anikani-evropi-alla-tora- prospathi/. 8. Ομιλία του πρωθυπουργού Α. Τσίπρα στην Βουλή για το Προσφυγικό (Ώρα του Πρωθυπουργού). [Online] October 30, 2015. 9. Τσίπρας: Οι χώρες υποδοχής προσφύγων χρειάζονται πάρα πολλά χρήματα. [Online] October 6, 2015. prosfugon-hreiazodai-para-polla-hrimata/.

13. 13 10. Seferiades, Seraphim. Προσφυγικό: Ένα ακόμη αδιέξοδο της υποταγής και οι ρήξεις που απαιτούνται. TVXS. [Online] March 19, 2016. akomi-adieksodo-tis-ypotagis-kai-oi-rikseis-poy-apaitoyntai. 11. European Council, International Summit, EU-Turkey Statement, 18 March, 2016 pdf/2016/3/40802210113_en_635973454200000000.pdf 12. Κύρτσος: Φοβερή η υποκρισία των «28» στο προσφυγικό. [Online] February 29, 2016. 13. Palaiologos, Yannis. Τζόζεφ Γουάιλερ: Οι μετανάστες είναι χρήσιμοι για την Ευρώπη που γερνάει. Η ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ. [Online] November 22, 2015. metanastes-einai-xrhsimoi-gia-thn-eyrwph-poy-gernaei. 14. Johnson, Kenneth M, Field, Layton M and Poston, Dudley M Jr. More Deaths Than Births: Subnational Natural Decrease in Europe and the United States. 4, s.l. : Wiley, 2015, Vol. 41, pp 651-680. DOI: 10.1111/j.1728-4457.2015.00089 15. Ανακοίνωση Γραφείου Τύπου ΣΥΡΙΖΑ/ΕΚΜ σχετικά με τη σημερινή ομιλία του κ. Σαμαρά. ΣΥΡΙΖΑ Συνασπισμός Ριζοσπαστικής Αριστεράς. [Online] May 26, 2012. shmerinh-omilia-toy-k.-Samara.html#.VzHoRLR96M_. 16. Σαμαράς: Εγώ ήμουν ο αρχιτέκτονας του αντιμνημονίου. [Online] June 6, 2012. %AC%CF%82-%CE%B5%CE%B3%CF%8E-%CE%AE%CE%BC%CE%BF%CF%85%CE%BD- %CE%BF- %CE%B1%CF%81%CF%87%CE%B9%CF%84%CE%AD%CE%BA%CF%84%CE%BF%CE%B D%CF%84%CE%B1%CF%82-%CF%84%CE%BF%CF%85-%CE%B1%CE%BD%CF%84%CE. 17. Nea Demokratia. Ομιλία Αντώνη Σαμαρά στη Βουλή για το Μεσοπρόθεσμο. [Online] June 29, 2011. 18. Ad hoc team of the of the European System of Central Banks. Comparisons and contrasts of the impact of the crisis on euro area labor markets. Occasional Paper Series. European Central Bank, 2015, No 159, p 5 19. Papakonstantinou, George. Game Over, the Truth for the Crisis. Athens : Papadopoulos, 2016. 20. Adamczyk, Guillaume and Windisch, Bernhard. State aid to European banks: returning to viability . Competition State aid brief. Competition Directorate–General of the European Commission, 2015, 2015-01, p 1 21. Varoufakis, Yanis. The Trail of the Troika. Harald Schumann On The Trail. [Online] March 16, 2015. 22. Westman, Hanna. Crisis performance of European banks – does management ownership matter? Bank of Finland Research. Bank of Finland, 2014, Discussions papers 28, pp 1-6

14. 14 23. Varoufakis, Yanis. Dictionary of the Crisis: The Economic Terms that Plague us. Athens : Potamos, 2011 24. Pappas, Tasos. Υποκρισία και ψέματα. Η Εφημερίδα των Συντακτών. [Online] January 10, 2016. 25. Xydakis, Nikos. Τα LuxLeaks και η υποκρισία. Η ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ. [Online] November 11, 2014. 26. Πέντε χρόνια Μνημόνιο: Το οικονομικό Άουσβιτς των δυστυχών Ελλήνων. [Online] April 26, 2015. ton-dystyhon-ellinon. 27. Καζάκης, Βαρουφάκης, Τσακαλώτος, Κατρούγκαλος [Σύνταγμα 7.6.2011]. Athens : dreamtheater1972, 2014. Acknowledgments This assignment was supported by the Centre of Liberal Strategies. The author of this paper would like to express his gratitude to Ms. Anna Diamantopoulou, President of DIKTIO - NETWORK for REFORM in Greece and Europe, introducing his work to the Centre for Liberal Strategies. Moreover, the author should thank Mr. Yannis Mastrogeorgiou and Mr. George Papoulias for facilitating effective communication. This research would never come true without the very helpful comments and suggestions received during the preparation of the paper from Ms. Faidra Psarommati-Giannakopoulou, Mr. Dimitris Daniil, Mr. Themis Lambrou and Mr. Stathis Ziogas.

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